by Joan Clarke

Aye, Miss Marion, I've heerd un 
I've heerd the Dobby call, 
I've heerd un, I've heerd un 
An' gone out beyon' the wall 
For Dobby he shouted loud 
An' he called far out over th' sands 
An' what he called an' what for he cried 
Were a stone cairn built by our hands. 

An' we built un th' stone cairn wheere 
Th' cliffs stand at top of Cow's mouth 
But it's never been right for un theere 
An' he calls from th' West to the South 
An' aye, Miss Marion, I've heerd un 
An' you marn't say as I've not
I've heerd the Dobby call 
An' wots more I'll tell you wot. 

When John Taylor's father was sunk
 I' th' quicksands far out i' th' bay
Then Dobby he wakkened an' cried 
An' shouted as loud as he may 
An' folk fainted becos' o' th' sound
 An' thowt 'twas the judgement day 
That his arms they be crossed on his breast 
Yo' can ask Isaac Hall and the rest 
Aye, Miss Marion, I've heerd un
I've heerd th' Dobby call all 'long th' bay.
 

Can any reader help clarify this poem? Who it is written by? Who the people mentioned in it are?

The poem itself is preserved in the Lancashire Record Office among the papers of Miss Enid Parkin of Silverdale (Ref. DDX/408). Did she write it herself? She was by way of being a poet. Filed with her papers is a booklet of poems, Country Songs by Enid Parkin, (Price 1/-, no date) but the Dobby is not among these printed poems, and the preserved copy of it is unsigned. In a note on a separate piece of paper she says that the Dobby was a sailor washed ashore and buried on the top of Jack Scout, but Silverdale inhabitants so far questioned have not heard of the legend, nor is it mentioned in David Peter’s ‘In and around Silverdale’.

It is plain from her papers that Enid Parkin was engaged in writing a history of Silverdale. There is an interesting Draft introduction for “The Story of Silverdale”, which begins “This story of Silverdale does not pretend to be a complete history of the village, but only a cursory survey of its folk and happenings so far as it has been possible to find out … The main intention is to try to tell Silverdale people of the twentieth century something that may hitherto have been by them generally unknown about the folk who in bygone days dwelt in this their domain; those who trod the self-same ground; saw the same lovely countryside: climbed the same limestone rocks … ”

It is very sad that after this admirable beginning so very little got beyond the stage of scattered notes. However, some are suggesting that at some time there was a more complete version of her history. It would be of great interest to know more about Miss Parkin. Does any reader remember her? Her papers show that in 1953 and 1954 she was living, or at any rate receiving post, at Bradshawgate Lots, Silverdale.

Other names crop up in the papers and might give a clue. An A. Monaghan, Townsfield, Silverdale wrote a letter in 1953 giving an account of her father, who was born in Bottoms Farm and was Vicar’s Warden for 48 years. Terence Frawley of “Westfield”, Silverdale, wrote in 1953 to give the date of the transfer of Lindeth from Warton to Silverdale Parish Council. An Edmund Lund wrote in 1954 asking her to contribute an article on her method of collecting material for the Parish Council Review of which he was Honorary Editor. A Mrs. Walker sent an account of her memories of the Rev. W. Sleigh, one of the most interesting finds among the papers. Please help.

We asked if any reader knew anything about this ‘dobby’. In response Dr Margaret Bainbridge has drawn attention to a nineteenth century description of other dobbies. It seems that our dobby was not alone.

Lancashire teemed with dobbies. Dictionaries think a dobby is either a dullard or a brownie, but Lancashire thinks otherwise. As an Ulverston man said in 1867 (and Ulverston was in Lancashire then) “Ghosts! Eigh, me lad, we’ve had plenty on ’em i’ Forness, but we’d anudder neam for ’em; we ol’as co’d em dobbies or freetnins. Here about U’Iston we’d t’ Punton Ho’ dobby, Lebby Beck dobby, Swing Gate dobby an’ we had ‘t King’s Arms dobby!¹”

Natland had so many dobbies waiting to pounce on the unwary that it is surprising anyone ever went out after dark. Very odd creatures they seem to have been too. As well as conventional ghosts who clanked chains, there was a black cow that lay across the path. If you tried to jump over her, she rose up and charged you. There was a Versi-coloured Rabbit (an iridescent one, that is) which ran between your feet and tripped you up, and an Invisible Hand which would hold you fast all night, and the Mill Brigg Cotton-rogger (what’s that?) who upended you, leaving you upright but head down in a puddle. Not to mention the White Cat of Crakelt with no head and in its coffin² The writer of the description recommended that after encountering these horrors you should go to “Mrs Dawson at the public house and recruit yourself with Natland-bonny” – where doubtless the locals would tell you still taller tales.

Dr Marshall supplied us with Edwin Waugh’s description of Silverdale in the nineteenth century. From it one can learn a little more about our very own dobbies. The company at the Victoria had plenty to say about them. There was a headless woman who haunted Jack Scout and the cave below, Cow’s Mouth. A local currier explained, “You see, sir, these dobbies have each their their own beat marked out, like so many policemen“. It seems the currier was a non-believer for he added that “the weather last back-end had been very hard for dobbies“, and that he was “afraid that some of them had not got over it.“. Perhaps that is why no-one seems acquainted with dobbies these days. Nor the fairies who danced in the Cove on moonlight nights, nor the big snig, the great eel, that haunted Silverdale tarn. It coiled itself round a rock on the shore, wearing away the rock by its grip, and then pounced on passing sheep. It was so big that when it was finally killed “there was nearly a pack of wool in the hollow of just one of its teeth³“.

Notes

1. John H. Nodal & George Milner, (1875), Glossary of the Lancashire Dialect, Publications of the Manchester Literary Society. ↩︎
2. Lonsdale Magazine (1821) Vol.II, p95 (in bound volumes held at Lancaster Reference Library). ↩︎
3. Waugh, Edwin (1861) Rambles in the Lake Country and its Borders, London, Whittaker and Co. Pp 231-232,235,237-238. ↩︎

Published in Mourholme Local History Society magazine issue 35 and 39 in 1999 and 2000

by Neil Stobbs

This is a study of the holders of Hornby Castle in the late 16th. century and the early 17th century.

The main part of the study deals with the two wills of Sir Edward Stanley KB, who became Lord Monteagle, as described below.

The main thesis is the examination of the wills in an attempt to show the preparations one individual made to ensure that his bequests were carried out. Also, the efforts he was prepared to make to ensure that his soul would be received into the hereafter.

An attempt is also made, to follow some of the recipients of the bequests in other sections of the documents contained in the volume and to fit them into the context of the large estate of which Hornby Castle was a part.

An introduction to the Stanley family is included in an attempt to place the 1st Lord Monteagle in his historical context and to attempt to illustrate the prevailing ethos of loyalty set against self interest which seems to have been the norm amongst the nobility of the period.

The Stanley family was one of the influential families in the War of the Roses between the Yorkists and the Lancastrian factions of the English nobility.

Their help was rewarded as seen below.

Lord Stanley who, at the battle of Bosworth in 1485, successfully changed allegiance and threw the Lancashire and Cheshire host on to the side of the Earl of Richmond, who won and became King Henry VII. According to Col Chippindall

‘His reward was immediate and great: he was created Earl of Derby and given many additional lands eschested from the discomfited Yorkists. He was also given the wardship and marriages of the two coheiresses of Sir John Harrington of Hornby Castle in Lancashire. Losing no time he married the eldest daughter Anne to his son Sir Edward Stanley, knight and the second daughter Elizabeth to his kinsman, John Stanley’.

The 1st. Lord Monteagle made two wills, the first in 1513, before he went to fight at the battle of Flodden Field where he led the Lancashire host with distinction.

The second will was made in 1523 in the year which he died.

The son and heir mentioned in the second will is Sir Thomas Stanley, K.B., 2nd Lord Monteagle, born in 1508.

His mother, Anne Harrington, was the heiress whose family previously owned Hornby castle and was virtually given as a reward to the Earl of Derby for his support of the future Henry VII.

The extent of the reward for supporting Henry VII can be seen from the description of the estates which came to Sir Edward the future Lord Monteagle and his wife as their share of the Harrington Estates. Quoting again from Col. Chippindall

‘Sir Edward Stanley, KB and his wife Anne received as their share of the Harrington lands Hornby Castle, with its demesne and the manors of Hornby, Tatham, Melling, Arkeholme, and Gressingham’.

He also received from the Crown

‘The manor of Farelton in Lonsdale and the manor of Farleton in Kendal, co. Westmorland, the manor of Bryerley and half the manor of Hemesworth in co. York, and the avowson of the church of Hemesworth and all other manors,and avowson of abbeys, priories, churches, chapels, chantries and other ecclesiastical benefices which formerly belonged to James Harrington knight, in the counties aforesaid which by reason of the forfeiture and attainder of the said James are in our hands’

If this was the portion given to the first son, presumably the kinsman who received the second co-heiress of the Harringtons, would also get something, and the father who received the original grant would not dispose of all his gift, at least while he was alive. The methods used for obtaining land and power in this period are obvious from these entries in the material under study.

The holdings of the Earl of Derby in Lancashire were and I think are still vast. He owned the mill on the River Bela, in what was Westmorland, on the site of which now stands the papermill [Ed in Beetham] of Henry Cooke. Sefton Hall in Liverpool is the seat of the Earl of Derby at the present time?

Sir Edward died on the 6 or 7th of April 1523. His will details the way and where he was to be buried, and is detailed in the examination of the second will below. He was succeeded by his only son Sir Thomas Stanley K.B. and Lord Monteagle mentioned above. He was born in 1508, and was in his ‘nonage’ at that time. This fact is clearly of concern to the 1st Lord Monteagle, as he frequently refers to it in his second will. Many of the bequests are couched in terms of seven years, which would bring the term of years up to the majority of the heir. Sir Thomas married twice, his first wife being Mary, daughter of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk. The second was Ellen daughter of Sir Thomas Preston of Preston Patrick. Mary was the mother of his son and heir Sir William Stanley, who became the 3rd Lord Monteagle, on his father’s death in 1560.

The second Lord Monteagle increased his estates by purchasing from the Crown the lands and buildings of the dissolved Priory of Hornby. He obviously took advantage of Henry VIII’s shortage of money to increase his own holdings. He presumable would have received more property as the dowry of his first wife. As well as some from the dowry of his second wife?

In his will he appears to have obtained leases of the parsonages of Melling, and Bolton-le-Sands in co. Lancaster and of Clapham in co. York.

He died on 18 August 1560.His will was dated 28 July 1558.

The third Lord Monteagle, Sir William Stanley, was also married twice: First, to Anne daughter of Thomas Preston and widow of Sir James Layburne of Cunswick, co. Westmorland, by whom he had his only child Elizabeth, born c.1558; and secondly, to Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John Spencer, of Althrop (married in London in September 1575). It looks on first examination that Sir William married his aunt?

Again it is difficult to place persons with the same name without definite dates. This anomaly needs further research. The second marriage is to the Spencers of Althorp, the best known modern descendant being The late Princess of Wales who was born Lady Diana Spencer. Her brother had the title Viscount Althorp before succeeding to the title.

The third Lord Monteagle died in 1581 at Skipton. His ‘Yorkshire Inquisition’ indicates that he held land in Sedbergh, Dent, Bentham and Graystongill in Yorkshire. It was presumably in addition to the lands held elsewhere from his father. His heir was his only daughter Elizabeth, who was by this time wife of Edward Parker, Lord Morley. She inherited Hornby Castle and took possession of her inheritance, but she was dead by 1585.

She had quite a large family, six children, of whom the eldest William born in 1575 inherited the title of Lord Monteagle on the death of his mother c1585, aged 10. He inherited his father’s title in 1618. He was known as Sir William Parker Lord Monteagle to distinguish him from his grandfather in deeds of Hornby, until he inherited his father’s title when he is called Lord Morley and Monteagle.

The estate remained in the Parker family until the Commonwealth when Hornby castle was captured by the Parliamentary forces in 1643, the then Lord Morley and Monteagle having sided with the King. After the Restoration of 1660, Lord Morley and Monteagle found the estate in the hands of Major John Wildman. Due to laws passed which said basically that any lands purchased during the Commonwealth could not be taken from their present owners by the previous owners and had to be purchased from them. This made Lord Morley attempt to raise money to do just that. What actually happened seems to be somewhat obscure but eventually Lord Morley was left with a much depleted estate. He lived in Hornby Castle until his death in 1697, he had no children and therefore the two baronies of which he died possessed fell into abeyance. His wife died in 1700.

1513 Will (1st)

The first will written in 1513 and the transcript, done by Col. Chippindall in 1939 is printed, as previously stated in the Transactions of the Chetham Society Vol. 102.
It is printed in the form of the original will and consists of three pages of close print, 46 lines x 10 words x3 = 1380 words.
The second will of 1523, consists of nine pages giving a total of 9x46x10 = 4140 words.

The first part of this will is dealt with in some detail later in the study. The second part of the will consists of detailed bequests which fill five pages of continuous text averaging 10 words per line and 46 lines per page, so 5x10x 46 = 2300 words.
There is no punctuation at all in either will, and the words follow on with occasional capitals on words which may or may not be at the beginning of a sentence, or statement of intent. It does become clear on further study the appearance of an upper case letter on the beginning of “And” tends to indicate the beginning of a statement.

Both the wills are taken from the post mortem

“Inqisition taken at Preston in Amounderness, co. Lancaster, 16 September 15 Henry VIII [1523] before James Worseley Esq. the King’s eschestor there by virtue of the King’s writ to him directed”

The preamble of the first will appoints James Bishop of Ely and Randall Poole clerk amongst others to carry out the requirements of the will. He says
It is the last will of me the said Edward never to be chaunged
Yet within ten years he made a second one!

“to the heire male of my body lauffully begotten“

is quoted, in the second will he admits the existence of a bastard son! Things change in ten years.

The reason for making the will follows:

“And for as moche as by the Kings Highe comandmet I am assigned and appoynted to attende upon the honorabill Lorde the Erly of Surrey the Kings lieutenant in the Northe parties to serve the King in his warres for the defence of knowlege that the King of Scotts is entred in to this Realme intending to make Batill and Warr ayenst our sovereign lords subjects For the Resistence of whose Maliciouse purpose I the said Edward with all the power that I can make am setting forthwards towards my said lord lieutenant ayenst the said King of Scotts and therefor by my writing I make my Will that if it fortune me to dye in Battaile or other wise in this tyme of warr wiche godd defend”

The next part of the will tends to cause some confusion in my mind. It continues after the last quotation without and break or indication of change

“that then the said Reverend Father my right kind and loving Brother shall have the Rule and Custodie of Thomas Stanley my son and heir apparaunt hym to marry after his discrecion whar it shall seme hym to be to my said son Honorabull and profitable”

On further reading it becomes obvious that the Lord Bishop is the only one addressed in the salutation and not the presence of another relative. It is noticeable that the wish is that any marriage shall be profitable, as well as honorable. He then goes on to command that any money spent on the marriage of his son, an equal amount shall be spent on the marriage of his daughter Jane Stanley.

“According to an acte made in the last parliament holdyn at Westminster for suche persons as served the King in his Warres”

He makes provision for the facts that the Lord Bishop may not make a marriage for the son, and hence not spend any money, or the son may die before he is married. The provision is as follows :-

“I will that my said Feoffs [Tennants with obligation of military service] suffer myne executor yerly durying the time of xvj yeres [16 years] next after the makyng of this my will to take and parceyve of the revenue of my said lands the summe of xlvli [£40] wiche amountithe to the somme of Sevyn hundreth and fourty pounds wiche I will that my said daughter Jane shall have to her marriage or toward her fynding [funding] and leving [living] if she be not disposed to Marriage”.

Jane is not mentioned in the second will so presumably she had already married and received her portion of the estate.
The Lord Bishop is granted the sum of 40 marks [£13/3/4d] a year as long as he was in charge.
The settlement on his wife Anne, the co heiress of the Harringtons of Hornby whom his father married off to him, includes the right to live and enjoy the castle at Hornby. He ties it up in the following manner :-

“Also I will that my said wif shall have the kepyng of Horneby Castell during the term of xvj yers after the makyng of this my will if she lyve so long and also be sole and not married during that time and that my said foeffs shall delyver her yerly the Revenues of my said lands towards the Charge of the House and payments of Constabull Wages and other offices there Fourty pounds so that she dwell in it and kepe house in it or ells that myn executors se it kept”

The first part of the bequests to his wife indicates that there was a Marriage Settlement drawn up at their marriage presumably in 1485/6. It says that she shall have a life interest in his father’s lands and his to the value of 200 marks, but they are let for £ 100 or thereabouts.
Again there is the stricture “so long as she live the Soole and not married“
If she married she was to have a yearly income of £40, in settlement of the rents etc. She was also to have

“hir Reasonable dowe owt of all my said lands without sute at suche tyme as she shall resonable require them”.

He also makes provision for the marriage portion for his bastard daughter Mary in the terms:-

“Yerly, Fourty marks till the somme of Six hundreth Marks shall be had”

He also acknowledges the existence of a bastard son Edward Stanley by the bequest of

“the clere yerly value of ten pounds over al charges —- for terme of his lif”

Edward is mentioned in the second will, where his annuity rises to 10s and 6d.
There is no mention of his daughter Mary. Presumably married off! There follows without any break after the entry regarding Edward the words

“the remayndre to my right heirs”.

There is reference in the latter part of the will of his son being “during his said Nonage” indicating that he was not of age to assume the titles and etc.

He was born in 1508, and was therefore only 16 in 1524 when the examination “post mortem” took place, but would have been only 5, when his father’s first will was made in 1513.
Hence the references to ‘16 years next following’, this would bring him up to the age of majority, and all the bequests would cease to be effective because the control of the source of income for the bequests had passed into the hands of the son, unless of course they were for term of life of the recipient, when they would be honoured, at least it would be presumed so, by the testator.

The final part of the will recognises the various debts which Sir Edward has to various people :-

“And wher I the said Sr Edward stand bounded in divers Recognisance’s and other writings to the use of the late King Henry the vijth and to other in divers greet somas of Money It is my will that men Executors shall take and perceive yearly the Revenue and profits of the Residue of all my lands and tents during the space of xvj yes next after the Making of this will for payments of my detest discharge of my friends that be bounded for me defence of my Lands and of my sons inheritance and the yearly shall give accept thereof to my said lord of Elie”.

He seems to have been heavily in debt to the previous King Henry VII, who was responsible for the advancement of the Stanley family in the form of his father, in previous times.
The second will of Sir Edward Stanley was made in 1523 after he was advanced to the Peerage as Lord Monteagle after the Battle of Flodden Field in 1513.
It was before his departure for this battle he made his previous will

This is my Translation from the words written therein, and rearrangement of the words into paragraphs to make them more readable.

In the name of god Amen. For as much as the life of man is in these wretched World short uncertain unstable and transitory it is necessary and requisite for every good true christian to provide foresee and to ordain for the life ever lasting in heaven.

I therefore Edward Stanley Knight Lord Monteagle of the order of the Garter being in whole and good deliberate and perfect Memory and of clear understanding laudes thanks and prayer be to almighty God my maker and redeemer remembering the good and sweet intellect of this sentence
” Memento homo quod Cinis es et in Cinerem reverteris¹“ and of this”dispone domus tue quia morieris²“

Willing while reason ruleth my mind and quietness in the Member of my Body of the temporal goods somewhat for the health of my soul to dispose order make and establish this my present testament and last will the 5th day of April in the year of our Lord god a 1523 and in the 14th year of the reign of our sovereign lord King Henry the 8th, in manner and form as hereafter is expressed and written

First and principally I give and bequeath my soul to almighty god the glorious and holy trinity, to our lady Saint Mary mother of Mercy, Saint Margaret and to all the saints of heaven my body to be buried in the new Chancel to be made at my costs and charges in and with all convenient haste at the east end of the Chapel of Saint Margeret at Hornby and I will that my Executors undernamed bestow and expend in and about the Walls, Buildings, Ironwork, Glass and covering the same new Chancel the Sum of 100 marks [£68.] and more if it shall be seen requisite to my said executors

and Moreover for the hallowing of the same Chapel yard as shall be requisite The same Chapel to be dedicated in the honour of God and of the blessed Saint Margaret.

And in case I depart this present life before the hallowing of the same chapel and chapelyard them my body to be for the time humate within the Priory church at Hornby.

And further more will that on the next day after the dedication of the same Chapel my body be exhumate and transfered with the consent and assent of the prior there which has granted me the same the case happening in his days and of other having the interest and so to be brought and buried within the new Chapel aforesaid

Also I will that my said Executors order and cause a convenient Marble Stone to be laid upon me with an Image of Copper and Gilt graven in the same and with six Scottchans{?} of my arms with scriptur[?] thereunto necessary or else to lay my body in a standing tomb there with an Image in Grose Copper and Gilte thereupon as shall be most agreeable and seeming Chancel, and my helms and arms to be set upon or else this otherwise to be devised and ordered by my said executors and at their decision and in as much as they may avoid the pomp of this wretched world

And for the same to bestow the sum of 100 marks more or less as shall be seen to my Executors convenient.

And also I will that my said executors cause my funeral to be ordered and done after and in like manner and form as other Barons of England being of the order of the Garter have be used and accustomed to be used

That is to say in avoiding pomp and vainglorie of this world with Black Gowns to my servants my children, and my friends as shall by my executors appointed and devised the day of my burial with dole and distributions among poor folk and other in alms the said day of my Burial and for the same to be stawe[?] the sum of £100 and more shall be seen to my said Executors.

Also I will in case my body be first, humate at the priory that then the day of Removing of the same my executors cause mass and dirge to be done for my Soul at Saint Margaret Chapel

And then to give in Alms to priest Clerks and poorer folks as to them shall be thought expedient.

Also I will that 24 white Gowns be given to 24 honest poor men to bare torches and to do other service the day of my said Burial.

Also I bequeath to every priest saying Mass and doing service the day of my Burial for his labour 8d. and to every Clerk 4d.

And further I will that Master Richard Beverley Prior of the Black Friars in Lancaster or in his absence, another Doctor of Divinity be provided to make a sermon and to have for his pains and labour 20/ -.
Item I bequeath to the Abbot of Croxton 40/-
and to the Convent there other 40/- to pray for me
Item to the Abbot and Convent of Crista [Kirkstal, Leeds?] other 40/-
Item to the Abbot and Convent of of Jervaux 26/8d.
Item to the Abbot and Convent of Fouernes[Furness?] 5 mark. [33/8d.]
Item to the Abbot and Convent of Walley 40/-
and a Crimson Gown of my wife’s and ladies to make a vestment
Item to the Abbot and Convent of Cockersand 5mark [33/8d]
Item to the Prior and Convent of Lancaster They all to pray for my Soul. 40/-
Also I bequeath to the’ Prior of Horneby Capelyn within the Castle Chapel of Horneby’ for my Corperisaunt and Mortuarie and for my wife’s mortuary £6/13/4d.

Item I bequeath to every one of my four mother churchs, that is to say:
Saint Peter at York
Saint John at Beverley
Saint Wilfred at Ripon 6/8d. [1 mark]

Also I bequeath to the High Awter[?] of my parish Church of Melling for my Tethis oblacions’ and offerings unpaid and negligently forgotten 20/-
Also I bequeath to the Prior of Hornby for a general absolution of me and to pray for my Soul, my wife’s soul and the souls of my Children 40/-

Also I bequeath to the most excellent prince and my sovereign good lord King Henry the 8th. a small gold ring with a tabill[?] of a diamond 8th sware[square?] set in the same
and a hundred pounds in Gold [£100] beseeching his grace to pray for my soul and to be good and gracious good lord unto my son and heir, to my servants and my executors for performance of my will.
Also I bequeath unto my Lord Cardinal his grace a gold ring with a point of a diamond set in the same and £20 in gold beseeching his grace to be good to my executors and favourable for the confirmation of my ‘Chauntre Bedehouse Free Scole’ [Bedehouse= Almshouse,?] to be had according to the tenor the foundation [fundacione] thereof
Also I will that the same foundation be inviolate in every part kept and performed as though it were in this my present testament and last will wholly insert and written and according to the tenor thereof.
Also I bequeath to these parish churches hereafter following and named 20/- and a Cow

to go to their church works for their Ornaments and lights as shall be thought most needful and necessary by the Church wardens and Ministers of the same that is to say:
Lancaster, Bolton in Lonsdale, Halton, Melling, Tunstall, Thornton, Warton, Whittington, Ingleton, Bentham, Clapham, Horton, Tateham, Sladeburn and Claghton.

[It is interesting to note the inclusion of Warton in the above list showing the extent of his influence in the local area., and also York, Beverley and Ripon previously, and of Preston and Warrington following, giving some indication of the extent of his influence in the North]

Also I bequeath to the Friars of Preston to pray for my soul and all Christian souls 13/4d [2 marks]
Also to the friars of Warrington for like prayers 13/4d.
Also I will that Yearly my ‘obiet’ [Death] be kept with dirge and Mass on the day of my departing from this present life at which obiet I will that the Prior of Hornby for the time being and there present have for his labour 12d.and 12 other priests, every one of them 4d.
And that yearly there be new lights made and set about my Grave and Tomb the day of my obiet to the ‘valor of xiij li of wax [value of £12 or 12lbs weight?]
And this obiet to be made according to the tenor of the foundation of my Chantry with distribution to poor people and that at 26/8d.
the same obiet to expend yearly
[Obiet is the date of death]
It is interesting to note that Col Chippindall says:
‘His death took place on 6 or 7 April 1523, whilst engaged in rebuilding the church at Hornby. He was buried temporarily in the graveyard of Hornby Prior with a view of being translated to a vault in Hornby Church when the alterations to that church should be completed: but this intention, it is said, was never carried out and the place of his burial has been lost.’

After all the trouble that was taken in laying down the conditions and requirements for his burial in his will, and providing for his soul to be prayed for, that his body was lost seems to have been to say the least careless and in the most to have been a neglect of the duties willed by their Lord.

Also I will that my officers and servants, being officed under me during my pleasure, [appointed by me?] continue and enjoy their said offices, except my executors prove them not true nor substantial for the performance of this my will and for the weal [wellbeing?] and profit of my said son and heir.

Also I will that all such patents and leases as I have made and granted of offices or Firms for term of life or lives, or term of years may take effect and be firm and stable to them to whom all such grants are made, except my executors can find reasonable cause of forfeiture.

Also I will that my executors content and pay all my debts that I owe that can be duly proved before three of them at the least with reasonable composition and restitution to such persons as can truly prove any oppression or wrong to them done by me, and that proved to ask of them forgiveness in my name.

Also I will that my executors take and perceive all debts, duets[?], arreraags [arrears?], Renrs, and fermes [?] that are and shall be due and owing unto me at the day of my departure out of this world or at any time after, for and toward the performance of this my testament and last will.

And whereas I am in suit at the Common place before the King’s Justices there at the King’s Suit for the sum of £200/39s/5d. I will that Sir Richard Tempest Kt. content and pay unto my said Executors the sum of £336 delivered him of Trust and for divers considerations which he and others knoweth and then that with all diligence contention be made to my said sovereign Lord the King of the same £200/39s/5d.and the residue to remain to my executors towards the performance of this my will.

And also where I delivered for the Jackets and Cundethe[?] Money of 200 Soliders to go Northward to my lord treasurer in the Month of March last past £40 which my servant John ap Holl hath received of the King’s Treasurer of his War at the ‘new Castell opon tyne’ [Newcastle upon Tyne], I will that Nicholas Tempest and the said John ap Holl retain in their hands £20 of the same equally to be divided between them towards the Jackets for the said Wars and their charges pain and labour ‘sueteyned[? sustained] in that journey.

There follows details of those owing money to him and the request that they pay up!

‘Also I will that where as John Standish and Rauff[Ralph?] Bradshaw are indebted to me in divers sums of Money I will that they content and pay the same to my said executors for and towards the performance of this my will.

Moreover, I will that every one of my executors, my children, my servants, and friends have their legacies according as I have assigned and appointed unto them and hereafter followeth which | intend to deliver with my own hands or I depart this present life.

In the following part of the study I have used the words, spelling and phrases as set out in Col. Chippindall’s transcription. Feeling that quite often the original phrasing tells more of the intention than a more modern literal translation. Also these actual quotations are inset and in italics.
There is a list of the executors, in order of precedence:

Right Honorable Lord Thomas Darcy Kt. Lord Darcy Menell and Lord of Knaithe
[these titles seem to belong to one person as the second and third parts do not appear in the bequests].
Sir John Husie
Sir Alexander Radcliffe Kt.
Lawrence Starkey esquire
Richard Banke gentilman.

The bequests follow and it is interesting to note the material bequests which are given,
My Lord Darcy to have

my ‘Coller of Garters and my best George set withe stones belonging to the same.‘
Presumably this is the insignia of the Order of the Garter, and the clasp or George which held it in place?
He is also to have ‘ my too best litter horses, My litter and all things pertayning to the same with a Covering of Tawney Tynsill and grene velvett’
From this entry it would appear that the nobility travelled by litter, suggesting that the roads as such were not passable to wheeled vehicles, or at least with any speed or comfort.

He is also given the farming rights to various properties for a period of nine years
‘ paying the fermes therof according to his leese theruppon made’
He apparently already leased them from Lord Monteagle.

Sir John Husie Kt. to have
‘a Salte of Gold with a Cover and a grey Horse that I bought of Rauff arrowsmythe‘
A Salt would be the vessel for holding salt on the Lord’s table. It was of considerable importance as one was ‘seated above or below the salt’ depending upon precedence. Being of Gold it was obviously an important and valuable bequest.

Sir Alexander Radcliffe Kt. to have ‘ a Gowne of myne of Sadd Russet velvet furred with blak Bugge‘

Laurence Starkey Esquier to have
‘ all his playte wiche lieth in plege in myn hands for xlli and to be discharged of the said xlli as my bequest. And that the said Laurance shall in Joye all such graunts as I have made unto him bifor this day accordinge to the purport of his writting thereupon to hym by me made‘.
It would appear that Laurence Starkey was in debt to Lord Monteagle for loans which he had received on the pledge of presumably silver or gold plate. His bequest was obviously the cancellation of these debts and the return of the plate.
Laurance was also to be
‘ my deputie stuarde and to my son at Cockersand abbey Retayning to me and my son the Fee‘.
This part of the bequest is some what obscure, and hinges on the translation of ‘Retayning’. Does it mean that Laurence retained or returned the fee?

Richard Banke, the last Executor, named as a gentleman, to have :-
‘annnuitie of ten markes by yer owt of my lordshipe of Breerly in Yorkshire.
And also to enjoye his leesse of serten lands of Breerly Hemmysworthe and Schrafton according to too deeds indented therupon severally made dated under my seale the furst day of Marche last past’.

Having provided recompense for those who must be executors of the will;
Lord Monteagle goes on to provide for his family.

‘My Childer Thomas my son and heir to have the residue of all my Goods Moveabell and unmoveabell her above and foloyng in this my testament and last will not bequeathed my detts funeralls perolute and this my present testement and last paid my call with the Fundacion of my Chauntre Bedehouse and Free Scole fulfilled {and Gods blessing and myne}‘
This is one of the points where the lack of punctuation produces some difficulty in interpretation of the intention.
Immediately after the end of the words in brackets above follows without any break

‘Edward my Bastard son to have and enjoy xli vjd. for terme of his lif owt of serten of my lands in Bosseley in Cheshir accordinge to my graunte thereupon to hym made so yt he be faithfull and true to my son and heir and aydyng assisting and fortifyenge towards the performas of my testament and last will‘.
Does the bracketed blessing refer to the Chantry etc or his bastard son?
It is also to be noted that he appears to be trying to prevent any possible dispute about the future inheritance of the lands by naming the son as bastard and also in willing him to aid assist in the carrying out of the terms of the will.

The bequest continues:
‘And as concernyng his detts in London wiche as he seethe is xli vjs. viijd. to be paid at the sight and and discrecion of myne Executiors fyndyng hym as is aforesaid.’
The amount of the debts is very close to the yearly bequest, could this be coincidence? There is also a ‘string’ attached to make sure the bastard son supported the true heir.

A final bequest before itemising those to his servants is as follows:
‘Thomas Langton Esquire Baron of Walton and Elsabethe his wif he to have a jerken of Blak satten furred with libards and his wif a Gown of Blak velvet‘
‘Edward Langton son and heir of the said Thomas and Elsbeth my Godson sex kye to be put to some frends of his for increase to his profetts‘
It is obvious why this bequest is separated as the son was the Godson of Lord Monteagle.
What ‘sex kye ‘ are is a matter of speculation.
Obviously sex = six, but kye is a more difficult problem.
Is it a sum of money or is it a clerical error for kyne = cattle ? The words ‘to be put to some friends of his for increase’ could mean that they were cattle which were to be the nucleus of a breeding herd to be managed, by friends, to increase their numbers and hence the value of the bequest?
Or a sum of money to be put out to loan at a premium, thus increasing the total recouped?

Many of the servants have their debts discharged as well as having the tenures confirmed during the nonage of the heir.
Various terms are for 7 years which would bring their termination up to the majority of the heir.
Fees and annuities are confirmed to continue.
Other servants have their wages up to date to be paid and various ‘rewards’ are specified to be paid in addition.
Some gifts are specified as ‘nothing’, others as a ‘cowe’ and one a ‘grey gelding’.

Many of the monetary gifts are specified in shillings and pence in the will, the amounts are basically still in marks, i.e. multiples of 6/8d.

He wills that the executors have their expenses for the executing the will and also for the maintenance of his son and of his inheritance during his nonage.
He then asks that the King will take on the overseeing of the wardship and marriage of his son and heir
‘thereto have him in ordering and guiding during his Nonage to bryng hym up to vertue and Cunning as shall apperteigne to a lyke man is son as I beyng his father am.’
It is interesting to note that these requests were obviously taken seriously by Henry VIII, as in 1527-28, Sir Thomas, then age 20, attended Cardinal Wolsey on his embassy to France, and in 1532-33, at the age of 24, he was made a Knight of the Bath at the coronation of Queen Anne Boleyn.

He continues in the normal form to make sure that the executors have sufficient funds from rents etc… to continue to look after his son and heir during his ‘nonage’.
He also reiterates the fact that he wishes foundation of the Chantry, Bede House and Free School to be established with out possible interference from any cause.
It was not yet established at the time of the will.
It is set out in the following terms :-
‘ I will that myn Executors susteyn all charges to accomplisshe ordeyn direct and stablisse the same According to the tener therof And as it appereth by a Boke in the hands of Mr Richard Bower als Strikley Remaynyng In case I depart this present life or it be fully fynyshed and sealed withe the delyverie of the same according as I have devised’.
It would appear that the requirements for the foundation were set down in a ‘Book’, so that no one could deny their existence.

There are then bequests to finance the establishments from the revenues of no less than thirteen lands and tenements in the ‘countie of Lancaster’ and one in ‘Westmerland’.
He also adds the further exhortation
‘It is my last will never to be chaunged that the said foeffees shall contynue their astate of and in all the premisses with the appurtenaunces to the use here under writtyn that is to say for the enstablishment performans creacione foundacione ordering and dotacione of my said Chauntrie or Hospitall bedehouse and fre Scole’
He seemed determined that these establishments should be built!

There then follows some bequests prefaced with the word
‘Item’:-
The first is for
the Guild or Fraternity of Jesus founded within the parish church of Lancaster to pray for ‘my Soul, the Souls of Anne and Elizabeth my wives , my Children’s souls and all my friends’ souls’,
for this they are to be given 40/ -.

The next Item is a Mark to
‘the too Sociats with the prior of Horneby‘.
The meaning of this is not obvious to me, other than it may be in the same mode as the previous Item.

There then follows various bequests to ensure the well-being of his children legitimate and otherwise.
The first is to the Constable of the castle of Hornby, one James Anderton that he has his job and a fee of £5 per year to look to the well being of the heir during his ‘Nonage’.
The second is somewhat convoluted in language but basically asks his brother Thomas who is apparently the parson of Baddisworthe to try and make Edward’s bastard daughter Mary, who is apparently now a widow called Radcliff, to accept her portion as laid down by the Executors.
It may be remembered that in the first will she was given 40 marks a year until she had had six hundred, towards her marriage as long as she obeyed the executors.
It would seem that she had caused some trouble, even though she seems to have been married and widowed during the intervening years.

Family life seems to have had its difficulties, in the upper classes, even in the sixteenth century.
The will finishes with a normal disclaimer to annul all previous wills of whatever date .It also contains the requirement that :-
‘And thereppon I do Require the same Richard Bower {alias} Strikley to make me an Instrument once or mo as shalbe thoughte requisite and neacessarie to myne Executors And thes to Recorde and to Bere wittnes in all and singler the premisses Richard Beverley Doctor Thomas Evington Prior of Horneby Gefferey Redmayn Fraunces Morley Thomas Crofte Alexander Parker Hugh Dicconson Nicholas Gardener Olyver Thomson Thomas Twissilton Humfrey Wynder Robert parker Richard Pynkok and you all here present and pray you be good and lovyng to my son’.
Even at the last Edward Lord Monteagle does not seem to believe that only one copy of his will be sufficient for all the executors to know all the bequests, and each should have a copy.

The Death of Lord Monteagle

The conclusion of the long list of bequests and exhortations raises more questions than it answers for the modern researcher. A vast amount of work is left to be done if anything of the truth of his wishes is ever to be unravelled.

The list of thirteen named witnesses and apparently others unnamed seems a considerable number to witness the will, even of so important a person as this.

The first named {Doctor} Richard Beverley is named elsewhere in the will as being Prior of the Black Friars in Lancaster.
It could be that the ‘Doctor’ positioned between the first two names could apply to either of them, as adjectival descriptions seem to have been placed after the noun to which they applied in some cases.

Thus Doctor Thomas Evington could be Prior of Horneby, or Thomas Evington could be a person without a style, and the Prior of Horneby be named by style alone. This would bring the number of witnesses to fourteen.

Gefferey Redmayn is named elsewhere as Esquire and as a servant who was to retain his present tenancy and have his debts owing rescinded. He is also noted in the inventory as

‘A Free tenant of the Manor of Hornby’ under Wraith holding the lands and tenements by Knights Fine where he and other tenants paid a total of 48s. 8d’.

Fraunces Morley is listed amongst the Freeholders of Hornby Castle in 1537 ‘Franciscus Morley arminger‘. He is also noted as being a witness at the post mortem inquisition of Lord Monteagle in 1524. He is mentioned in the survey of 1580 as being the previous holder of the manor of Wennington, now held by Thomas Morley.

Thomas Crofte named as Thomas Croft of Claughton, also as Thos Croft under Robrondale in the 1580 Survey. There is also a Thos Croft the younger there mentioned. Both Thomas the elder and Thomas the younger appear in the 1580 Survey as Free tenants of the manor of Farleton. This raises the question of being able to identify specific individuals when the same name appears on many occasions without any exact indication. It seems unlikely that the Thomas Croft who appears as a witness to the will in 1523 would be the one who is mentioned in the survey of 1580, at least 57 years later. If he was a witness to the Lord Monteagle’s will one would assume that he was a person of some consequence and of an age to have been so considered.

Even if he were only 30 then he would have been 87 in 1580. Considering the life expectancy at the period to have been much less than this, the named Thomas would not seem to have been the one mentioned later. This shows in some small way the difficulty in arriving at a definite identification of any individual at such a distance in time. The difficulties continue with Alexander parker, written with a small ‘p’ as is the surname of Robert parker later in the list. Yet in the list of servants who shall receive their wages and rewards as listed the surname has an uppercase ‘P’! Alexander Parker is listed as ‘of the stable’.Previous entry is to Edward Parker ‘grome of my Chamber‘ So, was Alex grome of the stable? He was rewarded in the sum of 10/ -.

Elsewhere in the Roll of Lands of 1524 there is the entry under the heading of
Delivery of Monies :- ‘And in monies delivered to Alexander Parker the Lord’s keeper of the Stock as in the farm of Barkerkin 106s.8d. And money delivered to the same Alexr Parker as in the farm of part of Hornby Park £15 11s. 6d.’
It would appear that Alexander was an important servant with a number of positions.

Hugh Dicconson appears in the role of servants as Hugh Diconson given a reward of 10/- over and above his wages due. Can we assume that he was on an equal level of importance with Alexander Parker, as he was given the same reward? He was a witness to the Will, so can we assume he must have been of some importance in the household?

Again one of the problems of trying to deduce facts from material prepared so long ago. Can we actually use these deductions in the reconstruction of the life of the area in this period?

I think we must as we have no other sources of this type available, and it allows us some insight into the workings of the system at that time, and comparison with the information we can glean from the wills and inventories which we do possess. There was not much change in the system around the turn of the century, and even though this data is from early 16th century it must have some bearing.

Nicholas Gardener is listed amongst those servants who
‘I will shall in Joye their offices durying the nonage of my son and heir with suche fees as they have hadd in my time‘
He is the Baliff of Ellall, Ellel or Elliall depending where it appears in the various documents.

In the 1584 survey it was found to be 403 acres 1rood 22 ^1/₂ feet in extent, having a value of £109 10s.2d. yielding a rent of £23 13s. 10d. There are 33 tenants at will and one free tenant. It is interesting to note that the free tenant, one Thomas Rigmaiden
‘holds there certain lands and tenements by Knights Service and pays yearly, 1 lb pip[er]is 1lb Qi, 1 par cular albis pa 12d’.
Is this an indication of an extended peppercorn rent? What 1lb Qi is, is as yet not clear nor is 1 par cular alga pa 12d

Assuming that the manor was the same size in 1524 he would be considered to be an important servant of the estate, and of sufficient importance to be a witness at the signing of the will of the Lord. The name Nicolas Gardyner appears in the Roll of Lands of 1524, with a variation of spelling, and in circumstances which would appear not to have been in keeping with his office of bailiff of the manor.
Nicholas Gardyner 3s 4d. for americaments on him imposed by the Court in the 12th Hen. viij for divers trespass committed
I suppose that it could be him, but I doubt it. He would presumably as Bailiff be sitting in judgement in the Court?

Olyver Thomson is one of the servants to have an annuity by the year during their lives. His is stated as :-
‘to enjoie the ferme of the great Close in Farleton in Lonnesdale for vij yeres accordyng to his lese theruppon’

Humphrey Wynder is mentioned as the Bailiff of:-
‘my lordshipp of Farleton in Kendall Whittington and Netherhutton in Lancashire’
The Farleton in the 1580 Survey seems to have been the Farleton in Lonsdale as it is said to be within about half a mile of the castle. No detail is given of the Farleton in Kendal, which would have been in Westmorland.

Humphrey Winder is also named as a tenant at will of land in Caton, which he tenants jointly with a George Foxcroft. Again, the appearance of the same name at a distance in time of over 50 years brings forward the probability of them not being the same individual, but two bearing the same name two generations apart. If parish records do exist, it may be possible to trace the relationship between them, if any.

Robert parker, the witness, is given in addition to his wages due:-
‘to have the Tithe Barn of Hest during my terme paying the Rent accustomed‘.
It must have been of some monetary value to have the lease of the Tithe Barn, whilst still paying rent to the estate. Does this infer that the lessor of the barn, could charge other persons to store their tithe products in it till they were collected by the tithe collectors. Or some other reason?

In the accounts for 1582 a Robert Parker is indicated as being the rector of Melling. Again, the position of a frequently occurring name separated in time.

Richard Pynkok the last named witness is the first of the servants named to have wages plus reward. His reward is five Marks. One witness has no other entry in the documents or accounts as far as can be traced and that is Thomas Twissilton.

Why he was included in the group witnessing the will, is somewhat of a puzzle when all the others were traceable. It is interesting to note that his name does not appear in the index of the volume 102. He is quite a mystery man.

The concluding part of the inquisition lists numerous leases held by various persons under variable terms. They are followed by a list of the holdings of the late Lord Monteagle, which is interesting in itself, in that it gives some indication of the extent of the holdings of one man during this period.

There is an indication of the value placed on the properties by the jurors and also in some cases, on what ‘service’ the various properties were held. The jurors say:

‘the hospice or messages &c. In Horneby are worth yearly clear 10s. and are held of Thomas Stanley, son and heir of Edward Stanley Lord Monteagle as of his Castle or Manor of Horneby by fealty only.

The manor of Little Harwood is worth yeraly £5 and is held of Thomas Langton Esq. service unknown to the jurors.

The Castle and Manor of Horneby, lands &c, the manors of Melling in Lonesdale, Arrome, Cawood, Roburndale, Tunstall, Wennygton, Wraton, Wraa, Ergholme in Lonesdale, parcel of the ‘manor of Horneby, and other manors {illegible} and manors of Over Kellet, Bolton in Lonesdale, Hethe Charnock, Chorley, Assheton, Nether Hutton, {illegible} co .Lancashire, are held of the King in chief by one Knight’s fee and are worth, clear, that is Horneby with Mellings and other manors 100 marks, Farelton in Lonesdale 20 marks, lands in C 20 marks, in Wenningtron 5 marks, in Tateham £20, in Greshyngham 5 marks, in Over Kellet 10marks, in Walton in Lonesdale[?] 20s., in Elhall 10 marks, in Hethe Charnoch and Chorley 20 marks, in Makerfield 5 marks, in Shevington 20s., in Bolton on the Moor [illegible], in Burghton £10, in Hiesham 10 marks, in Nether Hutton als Priesthutton £7, … Park in Forton 20s., in Lancaster held of the King in fee burgage and worth yearly 20s.,in Little Harwood . . . worth yearly 40s. Lands &c in Preston in Amounderness, Keverdon, Walton le Dale and Penwortham . . .held of Thomas Langton Esq., services unknown, worth yearly 40s.

Those in Chawgeley held of the Abbot of Whalley, service unknown, worth yearly 20s’. Those in Oxcliff and Ovangle held of the King
as of his Duchy of Lancaster in socage and worth yearly 20s.

The last few lines of the quotation are reproduced as near as possible to the layout as shown by Col Chippindall, in an attempt to show the manner in which the proceedings of the inquisition were recorded.

As the majority of the material is printed in a manner which would not have been common place in 1939, it must be assumed that the transcription followed the layout of the original documents. There is little attempt to keep amounts of money payable on the same line as the property to which it applied. The breaking of words at odd places can cause some difficulty in reading the whole. It appeared to be more important to keep the beginning and end of lines under each other than to make obvious sense of the material.

The variable spelling of some of the place names may make further study and mapping of the extent and exact location of the various properties somewhat difficult. The Survey of the 1580’s does contain some information as to the boundaries of some of the Manors which may be of help. One problem is that the names applied to the various boundary indicators may be difficult to trace from modern maps. Various terms, not of present usage, are in the document referring to service conditions.

1. by fealty only
2. held of the King in chief
3. by one Knight’s fee
4. held of the King in fee burage
5. held of the King as in his Duchy of Lancaster in socage
   

The definitions as far as they are available are taken from Nuttall.

1. fidelity or faithful adherence of a tenant or vassal to the superior of whom he holds his lands, involving loyal fulfilment of all the conditions of the tenure; loyalty.
2. to hold it {the land} directly from the sovereign by honourable personal service
3. The amount of land possession of which entailed knight service
4. Knight-Service. A tenure of lands held on condition of military service.
5. tenure of land from an overlord for a yearly rent. (Penguin)
6. tenure of land by any certain or determinate service. (Nuttall & Penguin) Feudal tenure of land involving payment of rent or other service to superior. (Concise Oxford)

It is interesting to see how many ways land could be held, by one person, mainly from the King either directly or indirectly. Elsewhere in the documents under study do other terms regarding the holding of tenure appear, especially in the detailed Survey of the estate (Loc. sit.)

1. Free tenants or libi Tenentes
2. Tenentes ad Voluntatem, Tenants at will
3. Demaynes Hold by Lease or hold. In his own hands.
4. Tenants by indenture.

Other terms used in the accounts.

1. Fermes
2. Grissome
3. grissomes off the tenenants thes comyng every vij yeare
4. Rents off the Glebe Lands
5. Rents off the Tythe barnes
6. In halfe off the mortueryes
7. For ther grysomes being Dobling ther Rents Sedbergh and Dent.
8. Footnote gresspoms or fines in the Manor of Hornby were eight times the rent for a descent fine.
9. A descent fine, a fine payable when an heir takes over a lease?
10. Fines were collected on the marriage of a tenant’s Daughter. 12 1581.

As a footnote to the above these following have been extracted and added to give further indications of the burial customs of the period.

Charges about the Lord Monteagle’s Burial. [The 3rd Lord Monteagle.]

Paid by Christopher Carus esquire to John Troutbeck surgeon for his labour and pains in and about the keeping of the body of the Right Hon. Sir William Stanley, knight Lord Monteagle upon the ground after his Lordship’s Death from the 10th November 1581 unto the 12th December then next following being 33 days at vjs a day from himself and his man with xiijs xd for spices for preserving the said Corpse upon the ground the said time besides xxs by Robert Symson as appears by a bil. 9/11/10d Also paid by said Christopher Carus to Eddied Hudsmythee als Beisey painter for his pains at the burial. xjs.

Indications of how the Estate benifited from the death of the Commoner Kinds.

Richard Hully for the last part of his grissom respited unto the death of his mother Now unpaid this year as in years before 33/4d.
Wife of Roger Garner of Ellel for the price of one heriot due to the Lord afor the death of the said Roger her husband due at Easter Anno 20 Eliz: unpaid 28s
The executors of William Ashe 5s
Thomas Johnson 20d
John Marshe 20d
James teals 20d
Christofer Atkinson 20d
John Clapham 20d
for half their mortuaries due to the Lord within the Rectory of Clapham due to be paid to Thomas Readman 15s

It would appear from the study of this material that the provision for the after life was important to the higher level of society. They attempted to make it clear what they wanted done with their body and what should be done with their worldly goods. They also attempted to make sure that their family members, legitimate or not, were provided for and protected whatever the circumstances, for many years ahead.

There is some indication that not all the requests were carried out, cf. the loss of the body of Lord Monteagle. There is some indication that the requests were carried out, cf. the care taken by Henry VIII of the son of the deceased, and his elevation to the Order of the Bath at the Coronation of Anne Boleyn.

If the other bequests were carried out in full is at present unknown and considerable research would have to be undertaken if one were ever to succeed in doing so.

References:
Nuttall Nuttall’s Standard Dictionary of the English Language 1933
Penguin Penguin Dictionary of English.
Concise Oxford The Concise Oxford Dictionary.
Chippindall A Sixteenth Century Survey and Year’s Account of the Estates of Hornby Castle Lancashire with an introduction on the owners of the Castle by Colonel W.H Chippindal Volume 102 of the New Series of Remains Historical and Literary Connected With the Palatine Counties of Lancaster and Chester. Printed for the Chetham Society 1939.

1. Remember, man, that you are dust, and to dust you shall return.” from the Book of Genesis in the Bible (Genesis 3:19) ↩︎
2. Loose translation: Put your house in order, for you are going to die; you will not live from the Book of Isaias in the Bible (Isaias 38:1) . ↩︎

Published in Mourholme magazine issues 33, 34, 35 and 36 between 1998 and 2000

By John Findlater

“England has the richest tradition of philanthropy in the world. It reached its peak in the last part of the nineteenth century. The vast network of charitable societies which had been formed to supply every imaginable need represented a sort of private-sector welfare state “¹

“The Church provided welfare services for the Catholic middle ages, the wealthy merchants of Tudor and Stuart England took on the responsibility from the Church, and the period following the restoration of the monarchy in 1660 took from the economic life of the country the principle which was to become the pattern for charitable work down to our own day, the joint stock venture”²

One historian’s³ thesis was that the wealthy merchants and gentry had a more long-term view of eliminating poverty permanently by making the poor, self-supporting, through education (so this idea is not new’); donations for education accounted for over one quarter of all charitable giving.

Protestants, generous in supporting good causes, did not seem to regard building or beautifying churches as a good cause. Perhaps the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (founded 1699 by Rev. Thomas Bray) was the first large scale example of the ‘joint stock company’ type of charity which gave a big boost to charity schools, which peaked in mid-eighteenth century.

There was a tradition of charitable giving in Warton Parish which had grown, higgledy-piggledy over time, as in many other parishes. In an attempt to sort things out, following an Order in the House of Commons in 1898 the Charity Commissioners after Inquiry [30 May 1899], held in every Parish wholly or partly within the Administrative County of Lancaster into Endowments subject to the provisions of the Charitable Trusts Acts 1853 to 1894. It was published in 1900.

This Inquiry drew on a Report made 23 January 1826 and contained in a General Digest of 1865-8 (It has to be emphasized that the full report is very detailed, and anyone attempting to summarize it soon regrets attempting the task) an attempt to summarize the document, beginning with Warton township, follows:

The Free Grammar School and Hospital of Jesus had been founded by the Archbishop of York, Mathew Hutton, (licensed 15 November in the 37th Year of Queen Elizabeth’s reign). Stipulations were made about administration, salaries, and subventions.

The report said that the 1826 inquiry had shown:

..There is in Warton a building called an almshouse, consisting of three tenements under one roof and a room in the centre ..formerly used as a chapel, these buildings are now in good repair…By [Inclosure award 17 April 1817] an allotment was set out containing 2rIIp sm part of Warton Cragg to John Hutton of Maske Hall ..let by the late Vicar to Robert Jennings at a nominal rent upon condition he inclose it .he has put up a good fence and brought it into cultivation and it is supposed has already been re-imbursed his expenses. …There is also a schoolhouse upon which there is an inscription .1594. This house consists of a schoolroom on the ground floor four apartments above of which three are occupied by Robert Gibson the usher, and the other is used as a Sunday school. This building is now in bad repair. ..A part of Warton Cragg was also set out upon inclosure 4, containing 3rl9p to the trustees. This has not been inclosed and is used as a playground. Warton schoolhouse Considerable uncertainty seems to have surrounded the finance.“ since 1815 Mr Hutton has made no payment in respect of the charity.”

These disquieting matters were set out⁴:

“The last schoolmaster died in 1808 and the vacancy was not filled but the late vicar who died in 1823 insolvent, retained for his own use the yearly sum of £20 which ought to have been paid to a schoolmaster. From 1808 to the present time, the school has been kept by an usher, who, for a small payment which he receives from another charity, hereafter mentioned, leaches the poor children of the parish reading, writing, and accounts …the usher has received no allowance from this charity since 1815.

The hospital was, about 30 years ago, put into good repair and an additional room was then erected over each tenement the expenses of which., were defrayed by a subscription. It appears that two almsmen were formerly appointed for each tenement by the vicar, with the consent of the Huttons of Maske Hall and each received the annual allowance of £23-6-8 but, for many years past, the almsmen had ceased to reside in the hospital and let their respective tenements at the best rent they could obtain; since 1815 no almsmen had been appointed and the hospital is now occupied by persons who have been placed there by the overseers of the township., and partly by persons who were originally tenants to the almsmen.

It does not appear that since 1637 any person has been appointed to supply the places of the [original] warden or governors …and it may be a question whether the present vicar has any authority to fill up these vacancies or to act himself as warden or governor.

In 1818 an information was filed in the Court of Chancery by the Attorney General at the relation of Charles Clowes Esq. the owner of a considerable estate at Warton against the said Mr Hutton and the Rev. Mr Washington, vicar of Warton. and praying for an account of what Mr Hutton had received in respect of the yearly rent charge of £24 and in respect of the fourth part of rents and profits of the Manor of Woodham and, also, an account of his payments in respect of the charity. On 5th August 1818 the answer was put in by Mr Hutton; but on the decease of the relator. Charles Clowes, no further proceedings took place.

Under the circumstance, the interference of a court of equity seems necessary as well as the re- establishment of this charity and the recovery of the property belonging to it, as for the appointment of new governors or trustees ”

On 6 May 1830, after a Court decree a scheme was to be set up to re-establish, manage and regulate the charity. The Rev James Barns, Vicar of Warton and 24 other trustees were appointed. A charge against the defendant John Hutton, was allowed, with further accretions. £ 1289-13-7d consols had been purchased. All this had been confirmed by the court and decree nisi made absolute 4 July 1833.

The scheme established, directed that the schoolhouse and hospital be repaired and reopened; the cost defrayed; there should be 16 trustees, at least of whom the vicar should be one; when reduced to six, the number was to be made up again. When repaired the school should be re-opened.

The income to be applied as follows: £20 to the master, yearly by half-yearly payments, for the usher £6-13-4d, for each almsman £3-6-8d and £5 reserve for extra repairs after ordinary repairs. The remainder to be paid to the schoolmaster, or, if neglectful to the usher. In the case no usher be necessary, or a vacancy or discontinuance occur, the stipend should be paid to the schoolmaster. If through want of accommodation less than six almsmen be appointed, the trustees might give each almsman extra.

It was under this scheme that the school and hospital were being conducted, when Mr Bryce inspected in 1865 on behalf of the schools Inquiry Commissioners. The master placed his income at £70. There were 11 children, including one or two girls under 12 whose attainments were moderate. No classics had been taught for some while. There was no usher. The headmaster was required to be a member of the Church of England, though this had not been imposed, originally.

The attention of the Endowed Schools Commissioners had been drawn to the school in 1872 when 24 children attended, including three girls paying fees of 2d and 3d a week. Inspectors had pronounced the teaching inefficient, accommodation unsuitable, and the township was likely to be called on to supply deficiencies.

Upon application, by the vicar, an order was made to appoint 10 new commissioners in addition to the surviving six including the vicar and vesting real estate in the Official Trustees of the Charity Lands. By Order, the transfer of £971-16-5d residue had been directed and there was a conference between Mr Fearon an assistant Commissioner, and the trustees.

By the approved scheme, set up in 1875, repairs were to be conducted and £25 further provided yearly. The remainder of the endowment was to be applied to the education of children.

A new governing body of 11 was constituted, seven to be representative, three by the ratepayers of Warton, Silverdale, Yealand Conyers, Yealand Redmayne and two by Carnforth, Borwick, Priest Hutton and two by the subscribers to the school (under a complicated tenure), as well as four co-optative governors. The previous corporation was expressly dissolved.

The school was, thenceforth, to be conducted as a public elementary school, with weekly fees not exceeding 9d a week. Mr William Scott the existing master would retire, with a pension of £20. An upper department would be open to scholars who had passed appropriate examination for 11-12 year olds, with tuition fees between 30s and £4 a year, fixed. The tuition would be given by the principal teacher of the elementary school at an additional payment for each scholar, to include English grammar, composition, literature, geography, history, elements of geometry and algebra, natural science, latin or some foreign language, drawing, vocal music. Provision was made for funds to be available for exhibitions, if extra resources were available when Mr Scott’s pension ceased.

This situation had continued until 1884 when, lacking suitable accommodation, the upper department, was discontinued. Mr Scott had not died until 1894, so there had been no exhibitions. Between 1882 and 1884 there were 12 to 14 scholars, of whom half were girls and the fee charged was the minimum, 30s yearly.

Following an official inspection in 1889, a new scheme was approved in 1892. The 1875 scheme as regards the provision for the almshouses was confirmed, except that the number of the governing body was reduced to seven, of whom four were to be representative and elected, three by the ratepayers of Warton-with-Lindeth, Silverdale, Yealand Conyers and Yealand Redmayne, one by the Governors of the Grammar School at Lancaster, being the headmaster or assistant or some other fit person for five years: and three co-optative for seven years.

The present governors were William Oliver Roper, Beechfield, Yealand Conyers, solicitor, re-elected in 1899, The Rev William Sleigh vicar of Silverdale and Edmund Whinnerah, land agent of Cross Bank Warton, both elected in 1895; of the governors of Lancaster Grammar School, George William Barrow tailor, of Lancaster: the co-optative members were Edward Bousfield Dawson, Aldcliffe Hall, barrister and Henry James Jenkinson, Holmere Hall, Yealand Conyers, gentleman, both re-appointed. Edward Barton of Warton Grange, ironmaster, was appointed 16 March 1898.

The endowment was set out, which was producing a gross income £74-ls + £3-15s from the Warton charity annually. £25 was being applied to the almshouses, £20 between the three occupants and £5 for repairs. The house stands on the site of the ancient hospital but there is no evidence to show when it was built. It was occupied by three old men, aged 79, 76, 78 belonging to Warton, and Carnforth, they were appointed 6 January 1896, 28 March 1899, and 10 May 1899. None was in receipt of relief. There was little competition for vacancies.

The school average attendance the previous year had been 55. Fees were 1d a week for 4th and higher standards. The master was Arthur Francis Perfect appointed November 1876 at £80 per year, besides half school pence, use of the master’s house which formed part of the school building His wife taught sewing and received £10 yearly. There was one pupil teacher.

Since Mr Scott’s death in 1894 an exhibition of £20 had been offered, tenable for three years at the Lancaster Grammar School One had been awarded in 1895 and another in 1898. The governors were currently in debt to the bank for £44.

The report of 1826 said that Thomas Mansergh, by his will of 16 April 1700, directed that from the profits of his property in Borwick, Warton, Burton-in -Kendal and elsewhere his executors

set up a trust to place four -and as many more of the poorest boys as profits would extend to .. to be apprentices for seven years or such term as the trustees should think fit.

By Indenture of 27 June 1801 it appears that there were about ten trustees but “of the above trustees now living are only Edward Cumming of Yealand Redmayne, John Jenkinson and Thomas Clarkson of Yealand Conyers, Joseph Banks of Carnforth and Francis Molloy who does not act, having no property and not residing in the parish.”

Details of the properties are given. The annual income had “lately amounted to £113-8s, the residue after repairs and expenses is applied to putting out apprentices”. The Premium allowed was £10 per annum and up to 1822, £2 for clothing but funds were inadequate to continue. In July 1825 there were 16 apprentices.

The accounts were kept by John Higgin Esq., solicitor, Lancaster. The income it was admitted had suffered diminution and “had occasioned considerable dissatisfaction” out of ignorance, but the Inquiry had not shown any misconduct.and suggested publishing an extract of the accounts. There was a proposal to increase the number of trustees, presently numbering only five, to 10, at least one trustee from each township.

The Charity was brought before Chancery in 1835 by the sole Trustee. In 1836 new Trustees were appointed. Again, in 1857/8 new trustees were appointed and, in 1885, it was directed that there were to be 13 trustees residing in Warton within convenient distance. The Charity Commissioners in 1896 authorised the Parish Council to appoint an additional trustee and, under separate order, from the Parish Council of Silverdale. The present trustees [1899] were: Edward Sharp, Linden Hall, Borwick; William James Sharp of the same place; Thomas Jackson, Hall Gowan, Carnforth; Rev Thomas Holland Pain, Vicar of Warton ; Edward Cumming Backhouse of Hilderstone, Yealand Redmayne; Henry James Jenkinson of Yealand Conyers – all appointed in 1885: John Edward Willan of Lindeth House, Silverdale; Henry Thornton of Yew Tree House, Silverdale; Edward Barton of Warton Grange, Warton appointed on 5 July 1892. Also, John Edward Waller Watson, of Warton was appointed by the parish council of Warton-cum-Lindeth; the Rev. William Sleigh, Vicar of Silverdale, was appointed by the parish council of Silverdale on November 1892.

Mr WH Winder was the Treasurer and Clerk of the Charity with a salary of £10 annually. The endowment consisted of:

1. A farm with land in Borwick, Over Kellet and Burton of 84 acres. also 44 acres of land in Borwick on annual let to William Townson in 1819, and, from 1896 to J Brown and son £150. (they repair and pay tithe £11-10s).
2. House, garden and croft of 2r[oods] at Borwick tenanted in 1826 by Mrs Watson but by 1899 let to John Dugdale at £15 annually. Some time after 1826 the endowment also included
3. The right of shooting on the estate let to Col. Marton. at £15 and
4. £322 3s in New Consols standing in the name of the Official Trustees from 1857 producing dividends £8-17s annually The gross income £179-17s.

The Trustees met twice a year with dinner: £2-10s was provided for this .; a yearly payment of 10s 6d was paid to Mr CW Winder for auditing the accounts. The income after deductions was applied in apprenticing Since 1893 applicants must have resided two years in the ancient Parish. There were 40 apprentices on the books some bound in 1893, six to eight appointed annually . Trades to which apprentices had been bound were cabinet maker, blacksmith, plumber, cyclemaker, painter, joiner, stonemason, shoemaker, hairdresser, grocer, tailor, outfitter, draper, printer.

The Trustees stated that the Charity fulfilled a useful purpose .. by securing greater scope and a more advantageous training for poor boys who would otherwise become locomotive-engine cleaners or mere idlers.

Charities of Lawrence and Others

John Lawrence by a will dated 7th February 1726 gave to John Buckhouse and three others, the sum of £200 on trust that, they should place the same out at interest, the produce thereof to be distributed equally amongst six of the poorest women of the parish for life unless the trustees and Vicar concurring find cause to deprive her.

John Dawson, on 29 June 1767, bequeathed £30 extra to this charity – paid in 1772 by his executor. In 1809 this was added to by £100 bequeathed by Thomas Adamson. The sum of £300 “is now” [1826] in the hands of the Rev Henry Sill of Burton who in 1814 gave a promissory note for the amount with interest at 4 1/2 %. But on Mr Sill wishing to pay the money in, the interest was reduced to 4 1/4 % .There had generally been three trustees – two only were alive in 1826, Edward Cumming and James Hodgson but another was about to be appointed.

It had been agreed in 1729 that recipients should be single, of the Church of England, preference being given to the oldest and poorest and in the case of equality in age and poverty the one born in the parish to be preferred.

Such of the women as belong to the Township of Warton also received the benefit of a bequest of Robert Lucas. By 1858 these charities and those of Lucas and others were administered as one. (see below)

Charities of Lucas and Others

By indenture, on 19 May 1784, between Edmund Dawson Esq of first part and Charles Clowes Esq, the Rev. Thomas Hest, Vicar of Warton, William Hest, Jackson Mason, Thomas Nicholson, John Marshall, and John Peel (trustees) and the churchwardens and overseers of the township of the other part; reciting the will of John Lawrence and Robert Lucas by his will 15 May 1754 gave £30 in trust produce to buy suitable books for one, two, or three boys yearly who should live in Warton and be taught at the Free Grammar School there.

Also a further £30 was to be invested and the interest paid to such widows belonging to the township of Warton as should receive Lawrence Charity.

In addition Elizabeth Redman, by her will of 28 July 1756 gave to the officiating minister of Warton and his successors £20 in trust, the produce to be laid out to best advantage in good books – bibles, testaments and “the Whole Duty of Man” .- and that they should distribute these at Whitsuntide, yearly, to poor boys of Warton “as had been taught there, could read well and were fit to go off to trade or husbandry“, a Bible and “The Whole Duty of Man” to each. [Ed The Bible is still being presented in 2026, it was not until 1967, that girls started receiving it, as the Trust expressly referenced boys only]

It was also reported that John Dawson, Esq. intended, in his will of 29 June 1767 to give £30 to Lawrence’s Charity and interest of £30 to the usher, but he died without bequeathing and his brother Edmund, his executor and residual legatee made good and added an amount so as to purchase £100 3% consols and he added to Robert Lucas’s two £30’s to purchase a further £100 Consols and making Elizabeth Redman’s £20 to £35 – in all £235 3% Consols. Edmund Dawson, Charles Clowes, William Hest and Jackson Mason were the trustees. Subsequently this was again added to by Isabel Richardson making £262 6s 7d – dividends of £7-17s-4d per annum (£3-15s to usher, £2-12-4d Books, £1-10-0d to widows in Lawrence Charity).

By Court Order, on 6 November 1858, John Jenkinson, John Edward Willan, Edward Dawson, Edmund Clowes and overseers were discharged as Trustees. The Vicar and Churchwardens of Warton and the incumbents of Yealand Conyers and Silverdale were appointed in 1859 and the above charities were administered as one. The churchwardens who acted as trustees were the vicar’s nominees, the one representing Warton (excluding Lindeth now part of Silverdale), the other churchwardens of Warton were elected respectively by the townships of Borwick, Carnforth and Priest Hutton being consulted only in so far as their respective townships were concerned.

The Rev Henry Sill, mentioned in 1826, became insolvent about that year and out of £330 in his hands only enough remained to purchase £131-19-7d 3 1/4 % Bank Annuities, which were transferred to the Official Trustees in 1858 together with some other small bequest originally from Mrs Isabel Richardson also referred to. The total gross income was £11-11s 4d.

By custom the beneficiaries were grouped 1). Warton 2). Carnforth, Borwick, Priest Hutton 3). Silverdale, Yealand Conyers, Yealand Redmayne: the two poorest women from each group benefitted, the townships in each of 2 and 3 taking turns to supply the recipients. All but one beneficiary at the time of the inquiry [1899] were widows receiving 12s annually, in two half yearly payments, and £1-7-6d, from a second sum of stock, was split between the two poorest women in Warton, if they were widows, if one was a spinister and the other a widow, the widow got it all!: 15s8d from Mrs Richardson’s augmentation was paid to one poor householder in Warton and £3-15s formerly paid to the usher of Grammar School had, for a number of years, been paid into the general account of the school. Books had also been supplied and this fund had £20-7-3d to credit with the Lancaster Banking Company’s branch in Carnforth.

Sleddall’s Charity

From 1801, this Kendal charity, bought Bibles and Prayer Books for communicant householders in Warton, when recommended by the Warton Vicar. It amounted to a handful only over the years. – Also in 1825, £20 had come via Mrs Gathorne of Kirby Lonsdale from exors. of the late Mrs Sanderson of Hining but the originator was unknown. It was paid to Edmund Clowes trustee of the above charities. Mrs Gathorne had also paid 20s yearly herself or through Mrs Sawrey of Warton to distribute amongst poor housekeepers of Warton township.

Charities in Other Townships

Sherlock’s Charity – Dr. Sherlock gave £30 to the poor – stated in the Parliamentary Returns 1786. According to the 1826 report it was in the hands of Mr Thomas Harris a landowner; it paid £1.5s yearly. This was distributed to the poor, along with produce from the two following;

Kilner’s Gift and Poor’s Land. Killner’s Gift Thomas Kilner gave a rent charge of 8s 4d on a close in Borwick called Chapel Field (held by Thomas Harris in 1826), paid annually to the poor.

Poor’s Land A piece of land was supposed to have been taken off a common in the dim past, producing 11s annually for the poor. This was presumed to be the piece, three roods (customary measure) possessed by the township, not known how. Upon enclosure of Borwick Moor, an allotment was set out in respect of this land containing 1 rood. The whole was then held by Richard Morland upon a parol(?) agreement for 3 years from Candlemas 1825 at a rent of £3.19s. This letting, in the same manner as long as could be remembered, took place at a public meeting. It been let previous to 1805 at a rent of £2.2s but the tenant had become insolvent when he quitted with £5.1s arrears due. This sum was advanced by the then overseer Thomas Jackson, who agreed he retain the increased rent beyond £2.2s until the debt to him discharged. An additional allotment in Over Kellet was sold for £6. This money was in the hands of James Hodgson who paid 5s interest yearly. These two sums £2.2s and 5s were passed to the overseer.

Out of this total, received by the overseer, sums varying from 4s to £2 were distributed at Easter to such poor as do not receive weekly relief. However, as stated by the assistant overseers of Borwick in 1863 to the Charity Commissioners, Thomas Harris who held £30 in 1826 had died in receipt of poor law relief himself, and possessed no property so that the Sherlock Charity was lost. Killner’s Gift had continued: the rent-charge of 8s 4d from Chapel Field (6 1/2 statute acres) owned by Thomas Jackson of Hall Gowan, Carnforth was passed to the two overseers and the churchwarden representing the township at Warton Church by whom it was distributed with the Poor’s Land Charity. This latter charity, received the yearly tenancy rent of £3 for Bull Close, (2 acres 1 root statute measure) let by the overseers to Col Marton of Capernwray Hall (presumably the Poor’s Land described in 1826). Of the additional allotment nothing was known and James Hodgson mentioned before had no known representative.

Until 1896 this combined income was for 12 years, through misapprehension, paid into the funds of the Lancaster Union in relief of the poor rates. At Christmas of that year it was divided between the two former recipients and since then it had been distributed about Easter when the payments were received equally among five poor persons, of whom the churchwarden above mentioned (one of the acting trustees) was one.

Carnforth

Poor’s Land Charity – In 1862 the overseers of Carnforth obtained a deed of feoffment, dated 25 January 1737 (no. trace of this was found by the Inquiry), whereby Henry Hadwin granted to James Lucas, Jonathan Peel and Francis Bainbridge … to permit and suffer the churchwarden and overseers …… to lease to best advantage for the benefit of the poor, the land called Hollowgate (1 acre 2 roots) and a parcel called Myers (1/2 acre statute measure). In 1826 it had been reported that the land which had previously been vested in Thomas Lawrence, John Peel and Francis Bainbridge, producing annually £1.17s, had been under the management of John Peel, supposed to have been the survivor of the trustees. Since his death the land had been let by the churchwarden and overseer to the highest bidder at a meeting of the township. It was in the occupation of John Whormby for seven years from 14 February 1825, at rent of £3.17s paid yearly on the 24th December to poor persons not in receipt of constant relief. In 1861 Hollowgate had been let to James Stockdale Harrison for 999 years, yearly rent £4.4s and with permission sold to him 19 June 1868 for £167 invested in £178.5s Consols in the name of the Official Trustees of Charitable Funds. The annual dividends £4.18s had been remitted through the Lancaster Banking Company to the churchwardens and overseers who after consultation divided the money among the recipients, taking it to their homes on Christmas Eve. The previous Christmas there were 29 then on the list, some in receipt of poor law relief. The sums to each from 5s to 2s 6d.

Greenbank’s Charity According to the 1826 findings, a gift to the poor from the will of William Greenbank, produced £2.10s yearly from land then vested in James Ainslie. This sum had formerly been paid by Mrs Ainslie and Miss Elizabeth Wilson, then distributed under their direction. Since the death of Miss Wilson in 1818 nothing had been paid. There appeared to be no legal foundation for the charity which had lapsed.

The School Early in the nineteenth century the Presbyterian Chapel, the congregation of which had been dissolved, was converted into a township school and used until 1849. There was no evidence to show under whose management it had been nor in whom the site was vested. Then by indenture, 30 August 1849 and enrolled in Chancery 9 February 1850, the Dean and Chapter of Worcester and the Lord of the Manor of Carnforth granted to Rev. Thomas Dean, Vicar of the parish of Warton, and to John Thompson Kew and Joseph Caley yeomen, churchwardens, and their successors, a school for the education of children and adults or children only of the labouring manufacturing or poorer classes in Carnforth, in union with the National Society for Promoting the Education of the Poor in the Principles of the Established Church.

On the site a school and a master’s house were erected by subscriptions of £273.10s raised by the vicar, and a grant of £60 from the National Society. The old schoolroom then converted into a cottage, was appropriated by the trustees of the new school and annexed to the latter as an endowment. In 1861 a bazaar realised £650. The promoters proposed to hand over £564 to the school trustees to be used at their discretion and application was made in1862 to appoint additional trustees. The Charity Commissioners established an order 4 July 1862 vesting management in a committee consisting of the principal minister. curate or curates, if appointed by the former; the churchwardens of Carnforth; and 15 contributors to the school. This scheme had been ignored after 1875 (there was a new church in Carnforth in 1873) but the anomalous position was settled after the report on the Inquiry by the Vicar of Warton formally surrendering claim to fees arising from church offices at Carnforth.

In 1871 the Trustees had purchased (from money handed over in 1861) a £500 bond of Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, interest at 4%. redeemable in 1907 and transferred in 1892 to the Finance Board of Diocese of Manchester in trust for the Carnforth School Endowment therefore, consisted of the above bond producing £20 annually and £2 rent from the cottage, let as a builder’s store to Thomas Pool. The £22 was paid to the master of the National School conducted as a public elementary school.

Priest Hutton

Sherlock’s Charity In the 1826 report it was said that Dr Sherlock had given £9 for the poor of the township, yearly. However, £10 (whether from this or not) had been placed by the late William Dawson of Priest Hutton in the Bank of Worswick & Co in Lancaster. The bank had failed in 1822 and though a small dividend had been declared no application had been made by August 1825. This charity appeared to have been lost. It was also stated that there was a house and garden which had been given to the poor which had produced a rent of £1.5s per annum. There was a house occupied by paupers, who were placed by overseers, but it does not appear from whom the house derived or that any rent was ever distributed in charity to the poor in respect of these premises. The Vicar stated to the Inquiry that he knew of no house in the township answering to the description of the paupers’ house mentioned in the 1826 report.

Yealand Conyers and Yealand Redmayne

Dr Sherlock’s Charity Dr Sherlock, by deed poll, June 1671 gave two sums of £25 each laid out in land, the product of which was to be disposed of to the poor of the two townships (Yealand Storrs being considered a hamlet of Yealand Redmayne) equally by the vicar, with the consent of the churchwardens and named persons, yearly. Various complicated land deals had occurred and were detailed in the 1826 report. when the survivors of a chain of trustees were Edward Cumming, Thomas Clarkson, John Jenkinson.

The property then belonging to the charity consisted of

1. A close , Lowside Moss, let to John Weston;
2. A close, Head Moss, let to William Seed;
3. A close, Tarns, let to Wm Seed ;
4. A close, Sinderbarrow Meadow, let to John Beetham;
5. A close, the Head, divided by the Lancaster Canal let to Edward Cumming at £5-6s.

A part of the Head had been sold to the Lancaster Canal Co. for £79 6s for which interest was paid at 5% until the previous year, then at 4 1/2 %. In addition there was £23-8s in the Bank of Dilworth & Co of Lancaster, which had arisen from the sale of land on which interest was being paid at 3%. These assets had produced a total sum of £19-18-6 income, collected by the overseers and divided equally between Yealand Conyers and Yealand Redmayne and distributed in sums from 1s to 30s to those poor not receiving parochial relief.

There had been only one known alteration in the endowment: a portion of Head Close, in 1847, was sold to the Lancaster and Carlisle Railway and invested in £233-19-6 Consols. This had been transferred to the Official Trustees of Charitable Funds by Order of Charity Commissioners in October 1860. There was some small discrepancy in the acreages between 1792 and 1835. Upon the death in 1891 of the last surviving trustee, a new body was set up irregularly and at unnecessary expense. No money had been distributed for the three previous years Upon application by two inhabitants the Charity Commissioners made an order 4 July 1893 appointing Edmund Adamson of Yealand Redmayne , Edward Cumming Backhouse and John Rawlinson Ford both of Yealand Conyers, Richard Charles Gillow of Castle Park Lancaster, John Harker MD of Hazel Grove Yealand Redmayne, Henry John Jenkinson and James Arthur Openshaw both of Yealand Conyers to be trustees. On the death of Mr Openshaw, Mr WO Roper of Yealand Conyers had been co-opted in 1896. Mr Rawlinson Ford had been the Hon Treasurer and correspondent since 1894.

The net income from the endowment (after various little adjustments) had been distributed in doles to seven or eight aged poor and persons in temporary distress selected by the trustees with recommendations from the parish councils accepted. Mr Ford (and others) found many persons in receipt of good and regular wages on the dole list, and discontinued the practice of relieving such persons. In 1893 the new trustees had distributed £12-10s, in 1894 nothing and in 1895 only £1-18s but since. £48-10s had been given in Yealand Conyers, including £4 for a nurse and £38-5s in Yealand Redmayne, during 1896 1897 and 1898. Then there remained a balance of £55-1s-8d in the bank.

The Friends’ School Charity This charity was created by the will of Thomas Withers on 24 September 1709, who charged certain lands at Over Kellet with the payment of £6 yearly towards maintenance of a schoolmaster of Quakers, to teach their children at Yealand and all children of Quakers within the compass of the meeting to be free partakers in school learning at Yealand or in the most convenient place within the said meeting as the Quaker monthly meeting of Lancaster should advise. Exchanges of land resulted in the property of the charity consisting of a farm at Yealand let for £49-10s and two fields let for £13. Out of the income £6 yearly was paid to the Trustees of the Yealand Particular meeting by trustees of the Lancaster Monthly meeting who are the owners of the property.

Mrs Dorothy Scott, widow of James Scott, gardener, by her will 30 March 1857, proved November 1859, bequeathed £100 to the trustees of the Friends’ School to augment the salaries of the master and mistress. This amount, augmented by her executor by £100 to £200 was invested in LNWR stock, registered in the names of Thomas Barrow, William Barrow, and Alexander Satterthwaite, all of Lancaster and Wilson Hartley of Carnforth.

Miss Elizabeth Sarah Ford, of Morecambe Lodge, Yealand Conyers, gave, in 1882, £200 Furness Railway Stock to the trustees of the school, interest to augment the salary of the mistress and a further £400 like stock, the interest paid to the schoolmaster (he being a Quaker). The same benefactor by her will January 1881, proved 1887, bequeathed the trustees of the Yealand Particular Meeting £100, the interest to augment the stipend payable to the mistress there and by a codicil June 1885 gave £1250 free of legacy duty, the interest for the school (and if it ceased at the discretion of the trustees). These funds together with £100 for the poorer members of the meeting (see below) were invested in London Brighton and Southcoast Railway Stock. This produced £57-5s a year, of which about £53-12-8d was for the school. A further sum £5-5s was paid by the trustees of the Lancaster Monthly Meeting as interest accruing from £131-5s-7d being accumulations of Withers rent charge when there was no schoolmaster, which in 1845 were invested at Scotforth.

The total income for the school from endowment was £99-16s.

So far as is known the school was not founded previous to Thomas Wither’s bequest. A school may have come into existence 1697 – when the Friends’ Meeting House was erected . “The ground floor of the older portion of it consists of a coach-house. On the first floor, above the coach-house are the original school rooms and above the stable there has recently been erected a large school room. Close to the school is the master’s house. There is a separate playground.”

The school provided the only means of instruction until the National School mentioned below, and then maintained its position, in spite of opposition. In Reports of the Education Department, where it is mentioned as receiving a parliamentary grant from 1867 to 1895, it is described as a British School. The average attendance was 90, but in 1884 as high as 110. In 1895 on the death of the resident manager and change of master it ceased to be conducted as a public elementary school. A master had been appointed by the trustees, “to make the best of the school.“. He was paid £100 annually, and insurance and repairs were paid. The average attendance was 23; the curriculum taught was the usual for a grammar school, third grade; a weekly fee of 4d was charged.

The benefit had never been reserved for members of the Society of Friends only, in the will of Thomas Withers, as disclosed by Mr Pickard, nor by the terms of later benefactions were children of other denominations excluded from the school.

Miss Ford’s Charity had also made provision for poor members of the Yealand Particular Meeting, by £100 invested in Brighton Railway Stock. No particulars were available to the Inquiry about this.

St. John’s Church Repair Fund. By indenture 18 June 1838 between Rt Hon Lord Raleigh, Rev Wm Dodsworth, Margaret Ann Beckles and Susannah Beckles Henry of the first part, the Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of Chester of the second part, and John Procter of Yealand, John Bond of Lancaster, John Walling of Yealand, and John Jenkinson of Yealand of the third part agreed that parties of the third part should stand possessed of £26-8-5 Consols purchased with £25 as a fund for the repairs of the Church of St John, Yealand Conyers upon trust to pay dividends to the churchwardens . By deed poll 8 April 1859 John Walling and John Jenkinson declared they stood possessed of £54-11-5d Consols upon the same trusts.

A sum of £25 was derived from Miss Catherine Elizabeth Hyndman’s Bounty to the Church of England, (trusts declared 29 September 1836 for erecting and endowing churches) and a second sum of Consols purchased with £50 was given in her lifetime by Dorothy Proctor, the widow of John Proctor, in augmentation of the repair fund. These, amounting to £80-19-10 in all, were transferred to the Official Trustees by order 15 April 1859 and the dividends £2-4-4 were remitted to the church wardens for repairs.

Miss Rothwell’s Charity Miss Lucy Rothwell of Yealand Conyers in her will of 24 June 1846, left £150 to provide funds for repair of the church and the National school (see below). In addition, left £500 to the trustees of the recently erected church to be invested and the dividends thereof used to augment the minister’s stipend.

Miss Hannah Jenkinson’s Charity Miss Hannah Jenkinson by her will, of 20 October 1891, proved May 1893, bequeathed to the Official Trustees of Charitable Funds £200 upon trust, dividends paid to the vicar and churchwardens of St John’s Church, Yealand Conyers and applied towards ordinary expenses there.

The National School By indenture on 17 December 1840, enrolled in Chancery on 20 February 1841, Edward Cumming and Jane Adamson conveyed to John Proctor, John Bond and the said Edward Cumming, their heirs etc the lands of a field called Footern, adjoining the public high road for building a school for children and adults or children only of the labouring. manufacturing and other poorer classes in Yealand Conyers, Yealand Redmayne and Yealand Storrs, and as a residence for a schoolmaster. It was to be conducted always upon the principles of the Incorporated National Society and open to Her Majesty’s Inspectors. Trustees. were given considerable powers.

Miss Lucy Rothwell (above mentioned) among her bequests provided £300, the produce of which was paid towards the master’s or mistress’s salary; £150 producing dividends used at the minister’s discretion for the comfort of the scholars, such as coals and books; in addition funds for repairs as given previously. By a codicil (11 March 1870) the bequests were to continue whether or not the school should continue a National School.

Mrs Dorothy Scott (above mentioned) bequeathed to the treasurer of the Yealand Schools belonging to or connected with the Church of England £100 (free of legacy duty) the annual produce of the investment to increase the salary of the mistress of the school.

By indenture of 1 July 1870, the school premises were conveyed to George Braithwaite, John Jenkinson and Thomas Wright and their heirs etc as trustees. By order of Charity Commissioners on 16 March 1888 on the application of the vicar and Mr Jenkinson, the surviving trustee, the Vicar, ex officio and the said John Jenkinson, James Mathews, MRCS and Isaac Jackson were appointed trustees of the school and Miss Rothwell charities. The real estate was vested in the Official Trustee of Charity Lands scheme established, there were to be four trustees, of whom the vicar of Yealand Conyers should be one ex officio, and future co-optative ones should be persons residing or carrying on business in or near Yealand Conyers. By order of Charity Commissioners on 20 December 1892, the previous co-optative trustees being dead, James Arthur Openshaw of Beechfield, Henry James Jenkinson and Edwin Brownlow, surgeon, all of Yealand Conyers were appointed. By order 26 April 1895 and 17 April 1896 Henry Longman of Yealand Conyers and William Oliver Roper of Lancaster were appointed trustees in place of Messrs Openshaw and Brownlow deceased.

The income, after £1-19-8d was paid to the churchwardens for church repairs, was paid into the general account of the school. The school was being conducted as a public elementary school in union with the National Society, with average attendance of 44.

Notes

1. Whelan Robert, “The Corrosion of Charity”, Institute of Economic Affairs, Health and Welfare Unit (1996), ↩︎
2. Ibid. p3 ↩︎
3. W.K.Jordan, “Philanthropy in England; 1480-1660” George Allen and Udwin, 1959 ↩︎
4. This was reported in The Times ↩︎

Published in Mourholme Magazine Issues 32, 33, 34 and 35 published in1998 and 1999